Showing posts with label housing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label housing. Show all posts

Monday, January 3, 2011

Red Hook’s Zoning Battle: Housing versus Industry

By Lea Khayata.
Jay Amato thought he had it all planned. He was going to build his own house on a piece of land he bought at the corner of Van Brunt and Conover streets in Red Hook, Brooklyn. But the city rejected his construction permit for not complying with the zoning requirements. Amato’s property is zoned M (manufacturing). His construction plan called for workshops and offices on the ground floor of the building, with his apartment on top of it. But the residential part of the building was considered too important to comply with the requirements of an M zone.

Amato’s struggle is one of many identical fights over zoning in the neighborhood, a battle that has been going on for years. In 1961, the city zoned the five boroughs for the first time and designated almost all of Red Hook for manufacturing.

Historically, it had always been a mixed-use neighborhood with factories and houses standing side by side. Coffey Street, for example, is zoned manufacturing even though one side of the block between Ferris and Conover streets is lined with 19thcentury brick houses.

Department of City Planning zoning of Red Hook. (Credit: The Manhattan Institute)

Department of City Planning zoning of Red Hook. (Credit: The Manhattan Institute)

But manufacturing has been on the decline in the area for decades and the demand for housing is growing in the city, leading to a growing movement to revitalize Red Hook around a core of new housing. The advocates in the community and allies like the conservative Manhattan Institute for Policy Research are pushing for rezoning to convert the M zones to residential or MX (mixed-use).

Part of the community has been advocating for decades for more housing as the key to redevelopment of the neighborhood and their voices are getting stronger. The Red Hook Civic Association paired with local businesses and proposed a plan with guidelines for developing the area around the creating of 2,600 housing units.

During the first half of the twentieth century, maritime industry was thriving in Red Hook. The Erie Basin was a major shipping hub and the Atlantic Dock Company was the most important employer in the neighborhood. Longshoremen would live in Red Hook and walk to work every day.

Containerization in the 1950’s ended Red Hook’s status as a major harbor. Big shipping companies preferred to move their business to New Jersey’s larger harbor. The land on the waterfront was abandoned and seized by the city, which undertook major reconstruction projects, demolishing some warehouses and renovating others. Maritime workers left the neighborhood, unable to find a job.

The neighborhood then went through a dark period plagued with crime and drug. New Yorkers didn’t go there, it was considered too dangerous.

In the last twenty years, Red Hook has undergone a revitalization process. Local businesses have flourished on Van Brunt Street, from restaurants to clothing shops, and the number of people moving to Red Hook is increasing every day. People come to the waterfront during the weekend, whether by car, by bike or by ferry. They go to the Ikea and the Fairway supermarket, which both opened in 2004, visit the farmer’s market and enjoy the sun on Valentino Pier, watching the fishermen set their lines on the dock facing the Statue of Liberty.

Despite this renewed interest, Red Hook’s population is still only half of the 20,000 people who lived there in the 60s.

It means that Red Hook has the infrastructure to accommodate a much more bigger population.” says Mitchell Korbey, an urban planner and land use attorney in New York City and a former director of the Department of City Planning’s Brooklyn office.

The movement to redevelop Red Hook around the twin pillars of rezoning and new housing began in 1994 with Plan Red Hook.

Red Hook, a Plan for Revitalization, identified guidelines to turn Red Hook into a dynamic neighborhood where light industry and mixed-income housing could cohabit harmoniously.

In addition to the extra 2,600 housing units, the plan identified thirteen blocks on Van Brunt Street down to the waterfront to be rezoned from manufacture to mixed-use, precisely to reach this balance between housing and industry. The plan only enunciates recommendations in the hope that they will be followed when decisions concerning the neighborhood will have to be taken by the City or the Community Board. The City approved a lighter version of the plan in 1996, but it isn’t binding in any way.

For example, only a portion of those thirteen blocks was rezoned in 2004 as a private zone change. It belonged to Greg O’Connell, Red Hook’s biggest landowner. He was consequently able to turn the Civil War era warehouse he bought into a Fairway supermarket, adding rental housing units on top of the building. A member of the Community Board, O’Connell first opposed the plan advocating for this area to be rezoned.

One of the main arguments in favor of keeping zoning as it is in Red Hook is that there is still some unused land in the residential zone and that no change should be made before this space is occupied. Tom Angotti, an urban planning professor at Hunter’s college who worked on the plan, refutes that idea: “It’s strictly a market approach. It’s logical from a short planned point of view but if the Department of City Planning were real planners, they would see beyond that to what is needed for Red Hook’s future.”

For John McGettrick, a member of the Red Hook Civic Association, the math is simple: “More housing means more workers for the area, and more customers for local businesses.” It also means replacing industry with houses, and raising the value of the land, if one takes the other point of view on the question.

Officially, the Department of City Planning keeps an “open door policy” to any zone change request. But Red Hook’s waterfront has been identified as an Industrial Business Zone (IBZ). According to the mayor’s office website, “the IBZs represent areas in which the City provides expanded assistance services to industrial firms in partnership with local development groups.? In addition, IBZs reflect a commitment by the City not to support the re-zoning of industrial land for residential use within these areas.”

Manufacture is not dead in Red Hook. “It is certainly changing, and niche manufacturing, particularly in the food industry and design, is still on the rise. “ says Southwest Brooklyn Industrial Development Corporation (SBIDC) executive director, Josh Keller. Those activities are compatible with M zonings, and even protected by them, because the zoning designation ensures low rents. If it was to be switched to MX zoning, the price of rent would rise and small manufacturing businesses might get pushed out by commerce or housing.

Jay Amato, the unlucky owner of the corner of Van Brunt and Conover Streets, thinks his construction permit was rejected to avoid “setting an example” in the neighborhood. According to him, a lot of people expressed interest in his project and in reproducing it in Red Hook.

Amato didn’t want to build just one more building in Red Hook. He wanted to build a house that wouldn’t consume any energy, a project he labeled “Red Hook Green”. Renewable technologies were to provide the house with the energy it needed, making it completely independent from the traditional energy suppliers.

Amato has been blogging about it for a little more than a year, and now considers attracting too much attention on the project might have been a mistake after all. He is considering going for a variance – an appeal that would take between one and two years and cost him as much as $100,000 in various fees, with no guarantee of succeeding. It would allow him to build his house despite the zoning, a process many people decide to go through in the neighborhood to get around the zoning issue.

But some disagree with this strategy. Greg O’Connell, who built the Fairway and owns more than 80 properties in Red Hook considers zoning in Red Hook as the chance to keep it as a balanced neighborhood. “People want to live here. I can understand why and there’s nothing wrong with that. But the small business owners are happy here and it’s productive for them. If you lose the working waterfront, if you give it up to residential development, you never get it back.” said O’Connell to the Center for an Urban Future in 2005.

The zoning issue is at the heart of Red Hook’s future. Keeping the dominant M zoning on the waterfront would preserve and supposedly bring back industries to the neighborhood, a prospect about which there is much skepticism among developers like Amato.

It’s like waiting for Santa Claus to come,” he says.

On the other hand, allowing for more residential zoning has its own risks. It would bring more people to Red Hook, but some fear the threat of high-rise building being erected on the waterfront and pushing away manufactures.

For Mitchell Korbey, Red Hook is a very complicated area, with a lot of history and undergoing changes. “It is hard to strike the right balance.”

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Wednesday, November 3, 2010

Housing in Brooklyn is All About Location

brooklyn-map3

Throughout most of Brooklyn, the housing market has rebounded from the slump that followed the economic collapse of 2008. While the number of new properties being sold in America is currently the lowest in recorded history, Brooklyn has seen an increase in total sales and sales prices in the past year. But the health of the housing market depends on that familiar variable: location, location, location. While western and southern Brooklyn have seen a steady increase in sales and prices, some neighborhoods east of Flatbush Avenue, such as Crown Heights, Bedford-Stuyvesant and East New York, are still mired in the mess of foreclosures that have swept America over the past two years.

Williamsburg/Greenpoint: Rebounding

williamsburg

greenpoint

The party only lasted for a year, and by 2002, the prices in Williamsburg were on par with the rest of Brooklyn.

Since then, the market has climbed steadily, although not particularly steeply.

For the last 8 years, the median sales price in both Williamsburg and Greenpoint have been significantly lower than the Brooklyn average, but the price per square foot has been much higher, indicating a market for smaller apartments.

The kind of properties dominating the market in Williamsburg and Greenpoint —new, and relatively luxurious— have been hit hard by the recession nationally but numbers indicate that these neighborhoods have made a relatively speedy recovery.

Dave Behin, who works as a consultant for The Developer’s Group, a company offering consulting and brokering services to developers, says that in the eight or nine months following the failure of Lehman Brothers the market slowed down, but that by 2009 it was already recovering. “We are not yet at the price points of 2007, but people recognize a good deal,” Behin says.

The Developer’s Group is behind massive, up-scale developments all over Brooklyn, such as The Edge in Williamsburg and 315 Gates in Clinton Hill. Behin said some customers offer him significantly less than asking price for a new condo, but that these customers misunderstand the housing market and believe that the situation in New York is similar to that in Arizona and Nevada. But it’s not.

“In 2003 the market was very strong. We could sell incomplete buildings based on drawings. The sellers couldn’t keep up with the buyers. Now we have to work harder to sell,” Behin says. “But if the developer has built a good project and the price is right, it will sell.”

Crown Heights/Bedford-Stuyvesant/East New York: A whiff of panic

crown heights

While the housing market on the west side of Flatbush Avenue appears stable or on the rebound, east of the avenue it’s “bordering on depression,” according to Michael Corley, a real estate broker and resident of Crown Heights. “We’re seeing broadly that there is no demand consuming the amount of inventory coming on board,” Corley said. “People are still very skittish.”

The median home sales price decreased 16.8 percent in Bedford-Stuyvesant and 14.1 percent in East New York, respectively, compared to a year ago, while the number of sales rose in both neighborhoods. While both home prices and the numbers of sales in Crown Heights are up since last year, Corley said most of the buyers in central Brooklyn are investors or developers, not families. There are more short sales than regular sales taking place in central Brooklyn, which shows that homeowners continue to default on their mortgages. Residents are desperate and choose to short sell as an alternative to foreclosing. Meanwhile, the sharp drop in home values that began in Jan. 2008 continues in this area of Brooklyn. Home values dropped by about 19 percent in Crown Heights and 12 percent in Bedford-Stuyvesant, respectively.

Corley also said central Brooklyn east of Flatbush Avenue will see more foreclosures in 2011. Real estate search engine Trulia shows there are 654 homes in the pre-foreclosure, auction, or bank-owned stages of the foreclosure process in Bedford-Stuyvesant, and 381 in East New York, respectively.

Dumbo/Downtown Brooklyn: Little neighborhoods, big prices

dumbo

The Dumbo and Downtown Brooklyn neighborhoods have remained stable through the recession. Like other neighborhoods, sales are up but prices are down. According to Trulia.com, at the end of October the average listing price for Dumbo and Downtown Brooklyn was $593,959, while the median sales price this fall was $548,056. Last year the median sales price was $747,975 and five years ago it was $476,580. This shows that prices boomed and then fell in 2009, but then leveled out higher than 2005’s average.

As for sales, both areas were recently rezoned for residency, which has put these once commercial neighborhoods at the forefront of Brooklyn real estate.

Asher Abehsera, executive vice president of residential properties for Two Trees, describes Dumbo as a small, charming enclave. He thinks that the market in Dumbo is ruled by supply and demand. “It’s a couple of buildings tucked in between two bridges and there hasn’t been a new condo built since 2006 or 2007,” he said. So most of the real estate activity that happens in Dumbo is due to resales in which everyone buys from the developer and the market remains stable.

In Downtown Brooklyn Abehsera said that the neighborhood’s value changes block by block. The Two Trees building at Court and Atlantic has no vacancies and a wait list, while near Flatbush Avenue, there is lots of construction and the area is still getting established for residences. Abehsera cites the area’s lack of grocery stores and neighborhood amenities.

Bay Ridge/Dyker Heights: Steady as she goes

bayridge

Bay Ridge and Dyker Heights, unlike most of the borough, were only marginally affected by the recession. Home values in each area have actually increased from Aug. 2009 to Aug. 2010, according to Zillow.com. Bay Ridge’s average home values have gone up 7.8 percent, to $648,000, and Dyker Heights’ average values have increased 9.8 percent, to $610,000.

In August 2010, the median sales prices for Bay Ridge and Dyker Heights were $645,000 and $566,000, respectively.

Real estate agents said the housing market is generally steady, and that families who can’t afford housing in a neighborhood like Park Slope often choose to settle in Bay Ridge instead.

Frank DeSantis of New Spirit Realty said Bay Ridge is unique because of its location. It is only accessible by the “R” train and a handful of bus lines, and it can take residents almost an hour to travel to Manhattan. As a result, the area has become very family-oriented and communal.

“Bay Ridge is a solid community,” DeSantis said. “Some people say the R train, the slowest train in the west, keeps it that way. It’s like a hidden secret.” DeSantis also said rentals have been particularly strong this year.

Cliff Venturini of Ben Ray Real Estate Company in Dyker Heights said his business is up 18 percent this year. He attributed that to an increase in advertising, which he said is crucial for agencies even during tough economic times. “At this office, we’re spending more money than ever on advertising,” he said. “You have to spend money in this business.”

Becky Bratu, Evan MacDonald, Vegas Tenold, and Cambrey Thomas contributed to this report.

Continue reading Part III “Growing Up Ain’t Cheap.”

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Tuesday, October 19, 2010

PI Greene SNAP works to improve the family housing

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By Caitlin Kasunich

Residents at the Auburn Family Shelter in Fort Greene have experienced poor living conditions for over six years, said SNAP officials. (The Brooklyn Ink/Caitlin Kasunich)

Residents at the Auburn Family Shelter in Fort Greene have experienced poor living conditions for over six years, said SNAP officials. (The Brooklyn Ink/Caitlin Kasunich)

Last July, a 25-year-old victim of domestic abuse packed up her belongings, left her apartment with her two children and arrived at the Auburn Family Shelter in Fort Greene in hopes of starting a new life. She had just lost her job as a result of the abuse and thought that she could quickly get the help that she needed to find adequate work and move her family out of the shelter.

Now, three months later, the woman and her kids, ages 4 and 6, are still living in Auburn, a housing development in the midst of the Walt Whitman Houses at 39 Auburn Place that is run by New York City’s Department of Homeless Services (DHS).

According to the woman, her family shares a filthy bathroom with other residents in the building. The room that she shares with her children is also mice-infested. She even eats spoiled sandwiches for lunch every now and then since “some people don’t get to eat.”

“I feel like I’m in a jail,” said the woman, who did not wish to give her name for fear of getting into trouble with the shelter. “I’ve never been in a situation like this.”

Beginning about six years ago, officials from the Fort Greene Strategic Neighborhood Action Partnership (SNAP) at 324 Myrtle Ave. began to take steps to improve conditions for Auburn residents. As residents started to come into SNAP to do work in the organization’s open-access computer lab, they began to talk about the poor conditions in the shelter, and SNAP officials immediately took notice.

Besides addressing the issues of cleanliness, rodent infestation and low-quality food, Fort Greene SNAP has also dealt with a range of other problems in the shelter over the years, including the lack of housing specialists and local daycare opportunities near the shelter, inefficient heating in the building and several citations of asbestos and lead paint hazards, said Georgianna Glose, executive director of SNAP.

“For families, it was a terrible situation,” said Glose, 63. “So, we began to organize the residents.”

Within the last year, residents have even complained to SNAP officials about a case manager who allegedly reeked of alcohol while he was working, and the shelter has since launched an investigation to find out more, said Glose. To make matters worse, DHS also recently decided to move more residents into the shelter since the building was currently half full, said an official from DHS.

As of Oct. 5, the shelter, which can house up to 180 families, was only housing 79 families, so DHS converted the seventh and eighth floors of the 10-story brick building into beds for singles. According to the official, DHS brought in 24 additional single women between these floors at that time.

Although the DHS official stated that this is not a permanent arrangement, the shelter will not be hiring any additional staff members for the new residents, which means that the existing caseworkers will have more tasks to juggle.

To further research residents’ experiences at the shelter, SNAP officials also began to obtain both city and state inspection reports through the Freedom of Information Act. Reports filed by the Office of Temporary and Disability Assistance (OTDA) and the Routine Site Review Inspection (RSRI) indeed confirmed what residents were saying.

OTDA’s most recent inspection that was completed in June and July 2009, for example, cited the shelter for 14 violations, including the facility’s failure to provide at least two housing specialists to “ensure that adequate and appropriate housing services are provided to families.” Additionally, RSRI’s most recent inspection that was conducted in December 2009 documented seven lead paint hazards, including chipped paint on dining room walls, as well as peeling paint on kitchen walls.

Neither Deborah Harper, the director of the shelter, nor DHS returned calls to comment on these issues.

Since then, however, the shelter has taken action to correct some of the violations that the reports cited last year, said Craig Hughes, community organizer at SNAP. For example, Hughes said that the city has reportedly reserved about 100 spots in four local daycares for residents to take their children while they go to their appointments.

Additionally, in the most recent Auburn Assessment Recreation Center Corrective Action plan dated on Feb. 16, 2010, the shelter stated that it would correct all patching and painting defects by Feb. 27.

Still, many residents at Auburn maintained that the poor conditions in the shelter are far from being solved. Even children who came to live in the shelter with their parents have noticed the problems that still persist.

“The place is nasty,” said a 9-year-old female. “The most disgusting thing about it is that the rats die on the sixth floor where we live. It always stinks like rats.”

To maintain strong communication between SNAP officials and Auburn residents, SNAP workers also hold weekly outreach sessions in front of the shelter to talk directly with people, said Hughes. Since 2008, Hughes said he visits the shelter every day or a few times a week for a couple of hours throughout the year.

And to keep people in the community informed about the shelter’s conditions, Hughes also initiated the Auburn Independent Monitoring Committee at SNAP, which involves a longer-term effort with local elected officials, community activists and other people in the neighborhood who provide additional direction. Carmen Hernandez, a resident of Fort Greene for 19 years, became a member of this committee two years ago and participates in the outreach sessions with Hughes each week.

“I wanted to do more,” said Hernandez, 54. “There are a lot of things that we take for granted every day in our homes that people are lacking. The residents are so angry. They’ll tell you what’s happening. The shelter officials are not pleased that we are there at all.”

Patrick Markee, senior policy analyst for Coalition for the Homeless, added that while shelters that are run directly by DHS tend to have much worse conditions than shelters that are operated by non-profit service providers for unknown reasons, the poor conditions in the Auburn Family Shelter ultimately stem from the failure of the city’s homeless policy as a whole.

“The Bloomberg administration tends to view the homeless problem not as it really is,” said Markee, 45. “It’s a housing affordability problem. Rents are high in New York City, and low-income people, even though they’re lucky enough to have jobs in this kind of economy, just don’t earn enough to afford market rents. Instead of viewing homelessness as that problem, they continue to view it as a behavioral modification problem. They keep touting this ridiculous mantra that if people just go and get jobs, then that’s going to end the problem of homelessness.”

On June 23, 2004, Mayor Bloomberg released a press release announcing his citywide campaign to end homelessness. The campaign included expanding community-based homelessness prevention programs, forming strategies to redirect funds that were locked into shelters into prevention and other housing solutions and re-designing the family intake and eligibility review process with an expansion of prevention and housing-related resources for at-risk and homeless families.

Over the past six years, though, the administration has been widely criticized for some of the programs that it implemented to solve the homeless problem, including one that paid for over 550 families to leave the city as a way of keeping them out of the pricey shelter system, according to a report by the New York Times.

As of Oct. 1, 2010, there were 35,241 total homeless individuals in New York City, including 7,974 families with children, according to the most recent data on DHS’s website. While the lives of some New Yorkers may be beginning to look up due to the weakening recession, the 25-year-old Auburn resident is not feeling too optimistic about her current situation.?

I don’t think much is going to happen,” she said. “Right now, I’m trying to roll with the punches, but nobody is really helping.”

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